收稿日期:2008-12-02
作者简介:吕蔚(1977-),女,陕西西安人,文学博士,华南师范大学国际文化学院讲师。
华南师范大学学报(社会科学版)
2009年第2期No .2,2009
JOURNAL OF S OUT H CH I N A NOR MAL UN I V ERSI TY
(S OC I A L SC I E NCE E D I TI O N )
2009年4月Ap r .,2009
安史之乱中诗歌创作的多元形态
———盛唐诗人职位变化对诗歌美学风貌的影响
吕 蔚
(华南师范大学国际文化学院,广东广州510631)
摘 要:安史之乱中盛唐诗人的政治地位发生了变化,职位和身份的改变使他们的思想产生巨大变化。他们或担任高级官职,或担任低级官职,或未居任何官职,或陷贼叛营,不同的经历导致其创作呈现出多元状态和不同的美学风貌。
关键词:安史之乱;盛唐诗人;高适;杜甫;李白;王维
中图分类号:I 207.22 文献标识码:A 文章编号:1000-5455(2009)02-0066-04
盛唐时代带给诗人强烈的时代自豪感,也激发
着诗人建功立业的豪情,其诗歌创作呈现出昂扬向上的时代精神和积极健康、开阔自信的社会心态。尽管他们很少有人能真正走进统治阶层的内部,但他们时刻都在寻找着政治理想实现的机遇。安史之乱的爆发促使社会方方面面都发生了转变,统治者对的选择和任用也在战乱中有了新的标准。盛唐诗人的政治地位随之改变,或因战乱而致显宦,或因战乱而遭贬,或因战乱而流离、陷贼等等。政治地位的改变使得盛唐诗人在安史之乱中的诗歌创作呈现出多元形态和不同的美学风貌。
一
安史之乱成为一些盛唐诗人政治生命上扬的转折点,他们在战乱中受到重用,致身于高级官吏的行列,如高适、严武、贾至等。
高适是这类诗人的典型代表,在乱中的任职经历使其成为官职最高的盛唐诗人。乱发时,高适57岁,正在辅佐哥舒翰镇守潼关,“及翰兵败,适自骆谷西驰,奔赴行在,及河池郡,谒见玄宗”(《高适
传》)。[1]3328抵达成都后被玄宗称为“忠臣”。接着,永王叛乱,肃宗因听说高适曾反对诸王分镇各个要
地,召见其共同商议平定永王一事,拜封为淮南节度使。760年,高适任蜀州刺史;763年,安史之乱结束,又任剑南西川节度使,次年迁刑部侍郎,转左散骑常侍。严武作为武将严挺之之后,在战乱初始即身居高位,史载“至德初,肃宗兴师靖难,大收才杰,武杖节赴行在。……既收长安,以武为京兆少尹、兼
御史中丞,时年三十二”(《严武传》)。7年,“上
皇诰以剑两川合为一道,拜武成都尹、兼御史大夫,
充剑南节度使”。[1]3395
贾至于“天宝末为中书舍人。禄山之乱,从上皇幸蜀”(《贾曾传附子至
传》
),[1]5029拜起居舍人,知制诰,后来跟随肃宗进入长安,任尚书左丞,参与唐王朝重要事务的谋划。这些高级官吏的任职经历一方面表现了他们对唐王朝的忠诚及政治理想,另一方面也显示了李唐王朝对盛唐诗人价值的重新认可与选择。
开天盛世培养了盛唐诗人自信乐观、积极入世、锐意进取的精神和建功立业的政治理想,这种自信的心态及崇高的信念成为他们诗歌创作的心理动因。但是,“盛唐才士们普遍缺乏一种深刻的思辨
能力与洞察能力”,[2]
他们很少有具体的政治主张和对政治事务切实的关怀,甚至于缺少在复杂的权势关系中处理政治事务的能力。
6
6
这些高级官吏成功地进入肃宗朝高层官僚群体,但并非自此无忧无虑,他们同样要经历官场上复杂的斗争。虽然他们尽量迎合肃宗朝对人才的要求,但是他们毕竟深受盛唐时代精神的濡染,身上仍带有着盛唐诗人所具备的特征。如严武“性本狂荡,视事多率胸臆,虽慈母言不之顾”(《严武传》)。[1]3396贾至任中书舍人时拟《诏天下搜贤俊制》曰:“如各知其密行异能,博学深识,才堪济代,术可利人,名不彰闻,位不充量,湮沦屠钓,流落风波者,一善可录,便宜公举”。[4]3720这显然与盛唐取士的标准极其相似。再如高适,也被称为“言过其术,为大臣所轻”(《高适传》)。[1]3331与贺兰进明、刘晏、第五琦这些纯粹吏士相比,他们又显得不务实事,他们身上所具有的疏阔、任性往往成为其见疏、甚至获罪的原因,在复杂的政治斗争中,高适、严武、贾至无一例外地受到了皇帝的疏远而离开京城。
这些高级官吏生于盛世,有着很高的政治修养和崇高的政治理想,战乱中的任职经历又使他们有了高层的政治体验。因而,当他们遭遇到政治上的冷遇时,其诗歌自然会呈现出新的形态,他们再去书写人生感悟的时候就会比盛唐时期更为深刻。高适在安史之乱后创作的最为人称道的一首诗《人日寄杜二拾遗》即是被疏至蜀川所作,其诗感情真挚动人:“身在远藩无所预,心怀百忧复千虑。……龙钟还忝二千石,愧尔东西南北人”。[5]317高适“负气敢言”,遭到宦官李辅国等肃宗宠臣的诋毁,乾元二年被出为彭州刺史。次年,高适改任蜀州刺史,与流徙到成都的杜甫在乱离后有了短暂相聚,上元二年人日这天,高适写了这首感人肺腑的诗。此时国家未平,诗人身处远藩之地,深感有愧于刺史之位的俸禄和四处漂泊的友人,蕴含着受谗被疏而又匡时无计的孤愤。其悲苦之情并非只是对友人及自己的哀叹,同时也是对社会及命运的反思。
贾至被疏之后,诗歌的内容和风格也起了变化。任肃宗朝尚书左丞时,贾至曾满怀激情地与王维、杜甫、岑参唱和《早朝大明宫呈两省僚友》,高华工整。因房琯之事贬谪至岳州后,贾至诗中充满了怀才不遇的感伤,在《寓言二首》其一中以芳草美人寄喻遭际不遇,“春草纷碧色,佳人旷无期。悠哉千里心,欲采商山芝。叹息良会晚,如何桃李时。怀君晴川上,伫立夏云滋。”[6]2595此诗古雅而有风骨,可谓“雄笔映千古”。在《初至巴陵与李十二白裴九同泛洞庭湖》等诗中,也抒发了在政治上被疏后的失落和孤寂。不过,此时贾至诗中的怀才不遇已经摆脱了盛唐诗人空泛的慨叹,高层的政治体验为其怀才不遇的主题注入了具体的内容。
可见,安史之乱中担任高级官职的盛唐诗人的创作激情由于政务的增加及个人对社会的调适而衰退,诗歌数量骤减,其创作呈现出事功和实用色彩。但在肃宗朝,这些诗人又是一群处于矛盾状态中的生存者,他们要面对各种各样的政治斗争,甚至成为玄宗、肃宗朝政治斗争的牺牲品。当遭遇到政治的失败之后,他们仍然会借助诗歌来发泄内心的郁闷,此时的诗歌已经不是盛唐诗人用来沽名钓誉的工具,也不是发牢骚的手段,而注入了真切的政治人生的体验,是内在心情的真实阐发。
二
安史之乱中,还有一批盛唐诗人担任低级官职。爆发后,他们为国担忧,勇赴国难,但却没有得到统治者的赏识与重用,没能进入统治阶层的核心。这些低级官吏与朝廷的关系稍显松疏,他们不像高级官吏那样终日为政务而缠身,更不会屈从于任何权贵势力。在战乱中,他们可进可退,或因战乱而晋升,或远走他乡而避祸,这样的身份使他们有机会接近底层人民,清楚地审视社会现实,如杜甫、元结、戎昱等诗人。
战乱伊始,杜甫在赶往长安时即被叛军俘获。757年,杜甫借草木隐藏,逃离长安,冒死至凤翔投奔肃宗,《述怀》中述说了西行的过程,“今夏草木
76长,脱身得西走。麻鞋见天子,衣袖露两肘。”[7]32杜甫的忠诚感动了肃宗,授左拾遗,这使他暂时获得了政治上的满足感。任职后,杜甫执言进谏,甚至于不惜违抗肃宗的意愿。供职不到两个月,疏救房琯一事使肃宗对杜甫大为不满。《旧唐书・杜甫传》载:“与房琯为布衣交,琯时败陈涛斜,又以客董廷兰,罢宰相。甫上疏言:‘罪细,不宜免大臣。’帝怒,诏三司杂问。宰相张镐曰:‘甫若抵罪,绝言者路。’帝乃解。”[8]5734此后,肃宗开始疏远杜甫,令其回鄜州探亲,杜甫便把自己的所见所闻以及对国家命运、对人民苦难的关切一起写入了《北征》和《羌村》三首。不久,杜甫又被贬为华州司功参军。此时,唐王朝刚刚遭遇了邺城之战的惨败,杜甫从华州前往洛阳办事,这一带是人民遭受战争苦难最为深重的地方,他看到了在战乱中无数残破散裂的家庭,便写下了“三吏”“三别”,这六首诗成为杜甫对战争最为真实而充满感情的描述。这之后,杜甫对统治阶层感到失望,辞官不作,携家眷离开了叛乱的中原,从此他彻底远离了政治中心长安,显示了他对苦难的离弃和对人格的坚守。后来又入严武幕,此时他出任的原因并非在于个人的穷通,而在于拯救民生的理想。
杜甫在安史之乱中的政治经历促成其诗歌境界的提升。长安时期杜甫与其他盛唐诗人一样,创作了《丽人行》等诗,展开了对社会问题的反思,诗歌也涉及到民生疾苦,但其意在批判统治者之得失,并以此抒发怀才不遇的愤懑。安史之乱中,杜甫把早年对君王和对自身穷达的关注转移到下层民众身上,把普通人民的形象广泛地引进诗歌作品,真实而全面地揭示他们的思想感情。此时的诗歌创作,与先前求官求职的心态相比已经发生了根本性的变化,有了与民同忧的人道主义关怀,是仁者情怀的提升。“这不但加强了文学写照社会的深广度,也昭示出时代典型人物、历史主题和审美趣味的重大更新。”[9]119这使得杜诗的境界和艺术也都达到了一个新的高度,成就了杜甫“诗史”的美誉。
这一时期,不少盛唐诗人都有实录性的诗歌。戎昱长期任幕宾之微职,宦游各地,其代表作《苦哉行五首》写在肃宗宝应元年,此时安史之乱刚刚平定不久,他从滑州、洛阳西行,经过华阴、渭南等地,见到回纥掳掠妇女、抢劫民财等行径后,便以沉痛的笔调诉说国家的不幸和人民的痛苦遭遇:“鼠虽为君却,狸食自须足。冀雪大国耻,翻是大国辱”(其一),“夫婿与兄弟,目前见伤死”(其二),“汉月割妾心,胡风凋妾颜。去去断绝魂,叫天天不闻”(其五)。[6]3006这组诗歌用写实的笔触描写了社会现状,或表现出诗人对唐王朝借回纥平定战乱,实则引狼入室的愤慨;或表现出对兄弟亲人死伤的哀恸;或表现对被抢劫妇女的同情,如此等等,都体现了强烈的批判精神。
元结于759年经苏源明推荐,上《时议》三篇,任山南东道节度使参谋等职,并一度代摄荆南节度使职事。广德二年,元结在道州刺史任,当时百姓殆尽,作《舂陵行》等诗。《舂陵行序》曰:“道州旧四万余户,经贼以来,不满四千,大半不胜赋税。……吾将守官,静以安人,待罪而已!此州是舂陵故地,故作《舂陵行》以达下情。”[10]202《舂陵行》一诗从各个层面描写了道州人民在战乱中赋税过重、伤亡困疲、秩序混乱的生活,从而发出伟大的同情与感慨,“追呼尚不忍,况乃鞭扑之”!所以,元结说:“所愿见王官,抚养以惠慈。……亦云贵守官,不爱能适时。顾惟孱弱者,正直当不亏。”他宁愿违背诏命而等待罪罚,也要保持正直的社会良心,不愿意再继续逼迫民众鬻儿卖女。诗末说,“何人采国风,吾欲献此词”,正说明诗人作此诗的初衷和为民请命的意图。
可见,低级官吏型诗人出处自由,性格中依然保持着盛唐诗人对国家关注和议论的权力,也保持着豪迈纵逸的特点。处于统治核心的边缘,对于他们的政治人生来讲是不幸的,但对其诗歌人生来讲却是幸运的。这段经历使诗歌充满了详实的社会内容、浓厚的感情色彩和深刻的批判意识,是之前及同期盛唐诗人创作绝无仅有的,也是安史之乱诗坛上最大的成果。从文学意义上来讲,安史之乱造就了杜甫这一批伟大的写实诗人,他们用理性精神挟裹着用世的热情,把自我融入广阔的社会之中,使诗歌创作进入一个新的时代。
三
安史之乱中,还有一些盛唐诗人处于与政治疏离的状态,他们未居任何官职,或寻找机遇,或流离逃难,或陷贼敌营,但他们仍心系朝廷,有着一定的政治理想和价值观念,如李白、独孤及、王维、储光羲等人。
布衣型的诗人可以保持自由自在的人生选择,避难是战乱带给他们最直接的影响,也是诗人进一步了解社会的重要渠道。李白乱发之时正居于宣城一带,后辗转于梁园、溧水、华山,又由于战争形势紧
86张,于756年至江南宣城、当涂等地。后来,经过溧阳,又到剡中避难。不久,又去了杭州、金陵,此后在浔阳,隐居于庐山。他将沿途所见写入诗中,最早用诗歌记录下了安史叛军对唐王朝的摧残,“俯视洛阳川,茫茫走胡兵。流血涂野草,豺狼尽冠缨”(《古风》其十九)、[11]1270“秦人半作燕地囚,胡马翻衔洛阳草”(《猛虎行》)、[11]1275“洛阳三月飞胡沙,洛阳城中人怨嗟”(《扶风豪士歌》),[11]1287这些诗歌都描绘了江山易主、叛军横行、人民哀怨的社会图景。
独孤及于乱后避于吴越地区,《代书寄上裴六冀刘二颍》一诗反映了战争的爆发及对国家造成的伤害:“猛虎踞大道,九州当中裂。”[6]2760在《送相里郎中赴江西》中,诗人又写了“三秦千仓空,战卒如饿狼”的现实,并勉励友人“曷月还朝天,及时开智囊。前期傥犹阔,加饭勉自强”。[6]2765这些诗都客观地描述了中原地区遭遇胡军侵略的景象,并抒发了平定战乱的信心。
避乱的经历使布衣型诗人耳闻目睹了战乱的悲惨境况,使诗歌创作有了充实的内容;同时,匡救国难的愿望又使他们的诗歌吐露着建功立业的豪情,表现出积极浪漫的政治理想。对于他们来说,诗歌创作的落脚点是在国家遭逢战乱之时表白自己趁时而起的政治理想和自信。但是,以李白为代表的布衣型诗人远离朝廷,没有渠道了解帝王对人才新的需求,依然表现出疏阔、大言、任性的帝王师式的特点,这显然已经不适应安史之乱这一特定时期社会对人才的需求。
李白的政治目标非同寻常,即“申管晏之谈,谋帝王之术,奋其智能,愿为辅弼”(《代寿山答孟少府移文书》)。[11]1856安史之乱前后他一直在寻找政治机遇,从军入永王幕就是李白在政治理想膨胀、急于建功立业的情况下做出的选择,他并没有对永王做太多的辨别,只是因为受到重视而自比诸葛亮、谢安之辈便从军南下。这一时期,他的创作激情骤增,共创作诗歌50余首,以浪漫的姿态书写定边立国、辅弼帝王之志,表达了对永王的赞扬和对自己政治理想的弘扬。《永王东巡歌》其二写道:“三川北虏乱如麻,四海南奔似永嘉。但用东山谢安石,为君谈笑静胡沙。”其十一写道:“试借君王玉马鞭,指挥戎虏坐琼筵。南风一扫胡尘静,西入长安到日边。”[11]1323这些诗虽然显示出在李白政治上的不成熟,但却展现出一种雄健激昂的情绪,似乎从此他就要展开辉煌的政治人生。但是,此次从军却是李白政治生命的终结,永王之乱被平定后,他于乾元二年被流放夜郎。这一时期李白作诗约50首,用来宣泄内心的郁愤与不平。
李白在安史之乱中的经历可以分为三个阶段:一是主动从军,充满了对理想的期待;二是被迫流放,满怀着人生失意的惆怅;三是皇恩大赦,充满了“轻舟已过万重山”的轻快。尽管际遇不同,但李白的政治热情和创作激情却始终如一,临终前请缨参加李光弼的更是用行动表明了追求政治理想的执着。值得注意的是,同先前的浪漫主义相比,安史之乱中以李白为代表的布衣型诗人的政治理想与普泛性的盛世理想不同,而表现为平定叛乱、定邦的具体目标。
安史之乱中,除布衣型诗人外,与政治疏离的还有陷贼诗人。两京失守,一些盛唐诗人被叛军俘去,身陷敌营并被授予伪职,如王维、储光羲等。他们在叛军内部任伪职,生活虽然暂时安定,却违背了忠君爱国的观念,错失了自己的政治理想。两京收复之后,肃宗按六等治罪,这使他们在精神和肉体上同时受到惩罚,诗歌创作呈现出悲苦之调。王维的陷贼经历和对其心态的影响在这一类诗人中具有代表性:禄山陷两都,玄宗出幸,维扈从不及,为贼所得。
维服药取痢,伪称喑病。禄山素怜之,遣人迎置洛阳,
拘于普施寺,迫以伪署。禄山宴其徒于凝碧宫,其乐工
皆梨园弟子、教坊工人。维闻之悲恻,潜为诗曰:“万户
伤心生野烟,百官何日再朝天?秋槐花落空宫里,凝碧
池头奏管弦。”贼平,陷贼官三等定罪。维以《凝碧诗》闻于行在,肃宗嘉之。(《王维传》)[1]5052
从这段文字中可见,王维在无可选择的情况下接受伪职,他与身陷叛营的士大夫们一样过着“君子若投槛之猿,小臣若丧家之狗”的悲苦生活。为了表示对唐王朝的忠诚,他“伪疾将遁,以猜见囚”,最终没能实现逃离长安的计划。因而,他见到裴迪后,作《凝碧池》一诗,慨叹长安陷落后的荒凉之景,当音乐响起,物是人非,更加追忆昔日王朝和繁华盛世,“百官何日再朝天”是安史之乱中盛唐诗人,尤其是这些陷贼诗人最普遍的心态。除此之外,王维在陷贼期间还有《禁口号又示裴迪》一诗,表现了他“安得舍尘网,拂衣辞世喧。悠然策藜杖,归向桃花源”[12]524的归隐之志,但实际上,这只是王维寻求解脱的另一种方式。“王维在安史之乱之后之所以没有写诗涉及他这段经历,而是流连于山水美景,一个
(下转第80页)
96中国史料丛刊,第37辑(正编367).台北:文海出版
社,796.
[19] 黄遵宪.日本国志,卷二,国统志二.天津:天津人民
出版社,2005.
[20] 李长莉.黄遵宪《日本国志》延迟行世原因解析.近代
史研究,2006(2):45-65.
[21] 黄遵宪.黄遵宪全集.北京:中华书局,2005:433.
[22] 唐.清流与教化———屠仁守行年事迹考论.孝感
学院学报,2008(2):19-23.
[23] 屠仁守.孝感屠梅君侍御辨辟韩书,时务报,第30册,
北京:中华书局影印本,1991:2051-2055.[24] 古城贞吉译文.汉学再兴论,时务报,第22册,北京:
中华书局影印本,1991:1500-1502.
[25] 汤志钧.戊戌时期的学会和报刊.台北:商务印
书馆,1993:180.
[26] 叶德辉,编.异教丛编,近代中国史料丛刊,第六十五
辑(正编7号),台北:文海出版社:155-160. [27] 康有为,撰.姜义华,等,编.康有为全集(第三集).上
海:上海古籍出版社,1992:587-1218.
[28] 姜义华.近代中国“国学”的形成与演进(上).学术月
刊,2007(7):12-17.
【责任编辑:王建平】
(上接第69页)
重要的原因,就是要回避这段人生经历,以减少追悔的痛苦。”[13]
储光羲所作的《汉阳即事》《狱中贻姚张薛李郑柳诸公》《上长史王公责躬》《晚霁中园喜赦作》等诗,描述了自己在安史之乱中陷贼、受伪署、逃归、被囚、遭贬、遇赦的经历,倾诉了诗人对唐王朝的忠诚、对失节的悔恨以及遇赦后悲喜交加的思想感情。“这些诗叙事真实曲折,抒情细致深刻,组成了一幕幕连续的悲喜剧,使人清楚地看见了在那场急风骤雨的社会大中,一部分士大夫的痛苦遭遇及其复杂的精神世界。”[14]310这段陷贼长安的经历使那些供奉伪职的盛唐诗人的政治生命从此终结,政治理想的破灭也使他们的内心蒙上了无法排解的矛盾和痛苦。
综上所述,安史之乱对于少数盛唐诗人来讲是一次发挥政治才能、建功立业的机会,而对于大部分诗人来讲则要和民众一起经历战争对精神和肉体的摧残。可贵的是,盛唐诗人的政治理想并没有消退,理想主义及建功立业的愿望构成了他们创作的思想基础。正因为如此,即便是在中,高适才会专心政务,贾至才会如同屈原一样歌咏,杜甫才会彰显仁者情怀,李白才会继续激情歌唱,王维才会悲苦地哀叹。但是,他们的政治地位、职位和身份的改变致使他们的思想产生巨大变化,导致其创作呈现出多元状态和不同的美学风貌。这种变化对后世诗歌产生了影响,既体现出某种写实性,又有理想;既与大历诗风不同,又与中唐诗风有所区别。
参考文献:
[1] 刘昫.旧唐书.北京:中华书局,1975.
[2] 赵昌平.李白性格及其历史文化内涵———李白新探之
一.文学遗产,1999(2).
[3] 吴相洲.论唐肃宗黜华用实主张对诗风新变的影响.
文学遗产,1997(1).
[4] 董诰.全唐文.北京:中华书局,1982.
[5] 刘开扬.高适诗集编年笺注.北京:中华书局,1981.
[6] 彭定求,等.全唐诗.北京:中华书局,1996.
[7] 浦起龙.读杜心解.北京:中华书局,1961.
[8] 欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书.北京:中华书局,1975.
[9] 陈伯海.唐诗学引论.北京:东方出版中心,1988.
[10] 聂文郁.元结诗解.西安:陕西人民出版社,1984.
[11] 安旗.李白全集编年注释.成都:巴蜀书社,1990.
[12] 赵殿成.王右丞集笺注.上海:上海古籍出版社,1984.
[13] 胡可先,王庆显.王维与安史之乱.淮阴师范学院学
报,2002(2).
[14] 乔象钟,陈铁民.唐代文学史.北京:人民文学出版
社,2000.
【责任编辑:赵小华】Key words:the earlyW estern Marxis m;s ocial and hist orical vie wpoint;p ractice;t otality;subjectivity;character of Marxπs phil os ophy.
The Functi on s and D evelop i n g Pa th of Terti a ry I ndustry i n the Course of Ch i n aπs Urban i za ti on(by C AO Z ong2p ing) Abstract:W ith the continuous enhance ment of Chinaπs economy and the accelerating advancement of urbanizati on,the foll ow2up supporting func2 ti ons that the tertiary industry has br ought about f or the first and second industry have come int o being.The tertiary industry has been p laying a vital r ole in many as pects such as settling e mp l oy ment,increasing far mersπincome,har monizing the devel opment bet w een rural and urban regi ons and perfecting ur2 ban functi ons.Meanwhile,the devel opment of Chinaπs tertiary industry is confr onted with restricting fact ors such as the second industryπs heavy feature, labourersπpoor skill and l ow quality.Therefore,we ought t o take int o considerati on the characteristics of Chinaπs tertiary industry and try t o ass ociate itself with the outer envir onment s o as t o seek the relevant path f or devel opment.
Key words:tertiary industry;urbanizati on;devel op ing path.
The E m p i r i ca l Study on Co2i n tegra ti on between Terti a ry I ndustry and Urban i za ti on of Guangdong Prov i n ce
(by L I U Han2hui,HOU Jun) Abstract:Based on the data in Statistical Yearbook of Guangdong Pr ovince,this paper uses the theory of co2integrati on t o analyze the relati onshi p of tertiary industry and urbanizati on in Guangdong p r ovince.The results indicate that there is a l ong2run equilibrium relati onshi p bet w een them.U rbaniza2 ti on is tertiary industryπs Granger causality,but tertiary industry is not urbanizati onπs Granger causality.Based on this,we give s ome suggesti ons f or the fu2 ture devel opment of Guangdongπs tertiary industry.
Key words:tertiary industry;urbanizati on;ADF test;co2integrati on test;Granger causality test.
On the D e m ise of Chuanq i and Za ju(by Z UO Peng2jun) Abstract:The wane since the year55of Q ianl ong,the renaissance since the year28of Guangxu,and the decline since the year9of the Republic of China have constituted the tril ogy of the dem ise of Chuanqi&Zaju.After the New Culture Move ment since Ap ril1919,Chuanqi&Zaju had l ost the necessity and possibility of their existence,which indicated the hist orical moment of their fading a way.And in additi on,due t o the external extrusi on and multi p le i m pacts fr om vari ous old and ne w literary styles in modern ti m es,Chuanqi&Zaju had been struggling for a more and more narr ow survival s pace. W hatπs more,the p ressure and besiege of the mainstrea m culture since modern ti m eswere not suitable f or Chuanqi&Zajuπs survival.So the p r oble m s fr om both external and internal states had pushed Chuanqi&Zaju t o an extre mely difficult situati on and it is inevitable f or them t o die out.This reflects a fact that Chinese traditi onal literature wasnπt able t o adap t t o the new cultural envir onment and l ost its vitality,and it als o showed the unavoidable fate of Chi2 nese traditi onal culture in the p r ocess of learning fr om the W est and marching t oward modern ti m es.
Key words:Chuanqi&Zaju;the de m ise of a style;styles in old and ne w literature;vicissitude of culture in modern ti m es.
Zhu Sh i x i uπs L i fe Va lue Positi on and h is V i ews of Anc i en t Prose(by CHE N Zhi2yang) Abstract:Zhu Meiya had al w ays clai m ed hi m self as a master of ancient p r ose,holding the vie w that“sincerity is the foundati on of good p r ose”, which led t o the origin of the H igh and Low of style.H is p r ose is mell ow and si m p le,but lacks in s ophisticati on.During Emper or Q ianl ong and J iaqingπs rule in Q ing Dynasty,when archaeol ogy was popular,Meiya was fairly unique in teaching ancient p r ose uns wervingly,f or m ing a hot wave of ancient p r ose popularity in Fujian and J iangxi Pr ovinces,which is not t o be underesti m ated in ter m s of value and status.
Key words:Zhu Shixiu;ancient p r ose;sincerity;self2positi on;s ophisticati on;positi oning.
“A D rop of W a ter fro m Zen School”i n Sush iπs Poetry(by ZHANG Hai2sha,ZHAO W en2bin) Abstract:Sushi accep ted quite early the ideas of South Zen which was already popular in Song Dynasty and this was reflected in his works.W hen he was banished t o the s outhern part of the country,he had cl ose contact with the South Zen School.He visited the ancesters of the South Zen,frequently called on the leaders of the school,believed in its thoughts and t ook it as hismoral support and s p iritual destinati on.The ideas of the South Zen has great2 ly influenced Sushiπs life attitude and style and this is shown in his works in which he created an i m age that is full of religi ous and phil os ophical i m p lica2 ti ons:“A dr op of water fr om Zen School”
Key words:Sushi;South of the five ridges;South Zen school;a dr op of water.
Poe m s of W ang An sh i and La te Tang D yna sty Poe m s(by Z HANG W ei) Abstract:The early poe m s of W ang Anshi made little eff orts in concealing what they intended t o exp ress while his later works tended t o be more i m p licit and reserved.Such a change in his poetic style can,t o s ome extent,be attributed t o the influence of the late Tang Dynasty poe m s.W hile i m ita2 ting the style of the late Tang Dynasty poe m s,W ang managed t o make s ome ne w atte mp ts.Thanks t o his efforts,W angπs quatrains beca me noted f or their grace and delicacy,thus distinguishing the Song poe m s fr om their Tang counter parts,which they were greatly indebted t o.
Key words:W ang Anshi;late Tang Dynasty poe m s;quatrains.
The D i fferen t Aestheti c V i ews of the Poem s dur i n g the An sh iπs Rebelli on T i m e(by LU W ei) Abstract:The political status of the poets in the p r os per ous Tang2dynasty had been changed during the Anshiπs rebelli on ti m e,which led t o the change of their thoughts and ideas.Some of them occup ied high positi on,s ome of them occup ied l ow positi on,and s ome of the m occup ied no positi on,
and were even cap tured and kep t in the rebelsπca mp sites.These different experiences led t o their different aesthetic vie ws of the poe m s during the Anshiπs Rebelli on ti m e.
Key words:the Anshiπs rebelli on;the poets of the p r os per ous Tang2dynasty;Gao Shi;Du Fu;L i Bai;W ang W ei.
I n terpreti ve I Ch i n g Study and Trad iti ona l Ch i n ese M ode of Th i n k i n g(by ZHU Han2m in)
Abstract:Based on I Ching and built up by the academ ic innovati on ofW ang B i and Cheng Yi,the inter p retive study of I Ching greatly rep resents in many di m ensi ons the traditi onal Chinese mode of thinking.A lthough Metaphysics and Neo2Confucianis m do possess great metaphysical wisdom,the knowledge and interest in W ang B i and Cheng Yiπs inter p retive study of I Ching reflect lively the p ractical,utilitarian and dialectical nature of traditi onal Chinese mentality.
Key words:Zhou Yi;inter p retive study;traditi onal Chinese mode of thinking;p ractical feature;utilitarian feature;dialectal feature.
An Exam i n a ti on of the O r i g i n of the Concept of Guoxue i n M odern T i m e(by TI A N Zheng2p ing,L I Cheng2jun) Abstract:There are three vie wpoints of the origin of the concep t of“guoxue”in modern China at p resent,that is,they were put f or ward by Huang Zun2xian in1887,by L iang Q i2chao in1902and by W u Ru2lun in1902res pectively.A s a matter of fact,Huang Zun2xian just intr oduced the word “guoxue”in Chinese rather than the concep t“guoxue”.I n August of1902W u Ru2lun just wr ote down in his j ournal the suggesti on put f or ward by Japa2 nese scholars who p r oposed t o highlight“guoxue”in China,but he didnπt actually advocate it hi m self.A lthough L iang talked about the concep t of“guox2 ue”in modern sense,he was not the first pers on t o do s o.After analysis of the literature,the author f ound it was Tu Ren2shou who first used the concep t “guoxue”t o highlight Chinese traditi onal Confucius.
Key words:modern ti m e;Guoxue;concep t;origin;exam inati on.
A Pred i cti on M ade Four Hundred Y ears Ago:Guangdong W ould D ef i n itely Ca tch up and O utsh i n e the O ldti m es———W ang
Sh i x i n gπs Ana lyses of Guangdong Soc i a l D evelop m en t(by Y AN Guang2wen) Abstract:W ang Shixing,a scholar in the M ing Dynasty,made a careful comparis on of the advantages and disadvantages of the s ocial econom ic devel opment in every regi on,by conducting investigati ons all over the country.He paid s pecial attenti on t o the analysis of Guangdong s ocial circum stances in the M ing Dynasty and pointed out that Guangdong had the advantages of being the center of South China,the nati onal overseas trading,being rich in all kinds of p r oducts and natural res ources.Besides,Cant onese peop le are good at trading.I n hist orical records,W ang was the first pers on t o f oretell that Guangdong would catch up and outshine the oldti m es and become the most advanced and p r os per ous regi on in the whole country.A gr oup of famous schol2 ars in M ing Dynasty and Q ing Dynasty als o accep ted W angπs vie w and analyses of Guangdong s ocial circum stances.
Key words:M ing Dynasty;W ang Shixing;Guangdong;p redicti on.
On the Tran sl a ti on2and2Annot a ti on Stylisti c Rules and Layout of Shu i Characters
(by L I A NG Guang2hua) Abstract:Shuishu(Shui Characters),the e mbodi m ent of the Shui peop leπs culture recorded,was authorized in Dece mber2005by the State Council t o be listed in the D irect ory of the First2Gr oup Nati onal Nonmaterial Heritage.A s a matter of fact,the characters of the Shui nati onality have p r o2 found meanings whose translati on and annotati on recently published are usually not s o understandable f or ordinary readers.So it is of great necessity t o translate and annotate the m in a more popular style s o that we can enhance and i m p r ove the acade m ic research on the m,and inherit and devel op the m in a more desirable way.Hence the j obs of the translati on2and2annotati on stylistic rules and layout of Shui Characters should be regarded as a significant re2 search questi on and deserve more attenti on for discussi on.
Key words:the Shui nati onality;Shui Characters;translati on and annotati on;stylistic rules and layout.
The Pli ght of Na ti on2bu ild i n g i n La te Q i n g D yna sty and Early Republi c of Ch i n a(by ZHANG Shu2juan) Abstract:Late Q ing and Early Republic of China was an i m portant peri od of nati on2building.The for mati on of Chinese nati on is a l ong p r ocess. This f or mati on p r ocess was p r ofoundly influenced by the modern internati onal syste m that began fr om W est phalia agree ment.This f or mati on p r ocess fell in2 t o the p light caused by the internati onal syste m that was dom inated by the W est,and was si m ultaneously interfered by a variety of domestic fact ors.The in2 ternal and external envir onment of the peri od led t o the p light of nati on2building.Facing the challenges fr om the internati onal syste m,the situati on of China has undergone p r of ound changes,and vari ous f orces reacted t o different extent.
Key words:nati on2building;p light;the internati onal system.
Th i rty Y earsπTran s na ti ona l Educa ti on i n Ch i n a———Ba sed on11Prov i n ces and M un i c i pa liti es
(by L I Sheng2bin,WANG Zhi2qiang) Abstract:W ith the open2door policy,the transnati onal educati on in China which started30years ago devel oped very fast al ong with the gl obaliza2 ti on and has been the outstanding e mbodi m ent of educati onal gl obalizati on and internati onalizati on in China.The coperati on with foreign countries in the establishment of schools has been considered by the government as an i m portant part of the educati on undertaking and China has become a large market of educati on export in the world.This paper reviews the devel opment of transnati onal educati on in China in the recent thirty years,including the hist ory,the
951